Background

As COVID-19 enraged across the country during the second wave of the pandemic and daily cases breached the 4 lakh number, Himachal Pradesh, a small north Indian mountainous state, too wasn’t left behind. The state’s COVID fatality rate was 1.5 per cent against the national average of 1.1 per cent, as on 6 May 2021. At 78.1 per cent, Himachal’s recovery rate too was below the national average of 81.9 per cent and the global average of 85.4 per cent.

These figures were despite the fact that the state ranks No. 6 on the Health Index – 63.1 (overall performance) for larger states in India. For reference, the neighbouring hill state of Uttarakhand is ranked No. 15 with a Health Index of 39.61, and Uttar Pradesh is ranked at the bottom at No. 20 with a Health Index of 29.16 in the larger states’ list.

It is also important to consider that Himachal Pradesh has a high literacy rate of 86.6 per cent (at No 4 behind Kerala, Delhi and Uttarakhand respectively) and a population density of just 123/sqkm (one of the lowest in the country).

These developmental figures could lead to assumptions of low infection and fatality rate and high observance of COVID Appropriate Behaviour (CAB). However, data showed the opposite. For that matter, even the COVID vaccination rate too was at that time one of the slowest in the state – at just 20,65,283 (on 10 May 2020). In comparison, the neighbouring hill states of Uttarakhand and Jammu & Kashmir had 23,73,425 and 27,30,485 respectively. The enthusiasm for vaccination among male members too seemed to be low in Himachal (48 per cent male of the total vaccinated), when the sex ratio in the state is 972, as against the national vaccinated male percentage being 52.5 per cent.

While the low population density has brought in complacency in non-adherence to CAB amongst the people of the state (even now when the fear of the third wave is lurking around the corner), it is important that we understand the state from an anthropological point of view – particularly the rites of passage – to bring down the infection and fatality rate and counter vaccine hesitancy.

Cultural Nuances*

Belief in local deities

As opposed to the Vaishnav cult of the plains of India, the western Himalayas follow the Naga cult with overlaps of Shaiva and Shakti cult**. People have intense faith in the local deities and often seek advice from these deities for personal and social problems through the deities’ mouthpieces (locally known as gur or maali). People often make sacrificial offerings (goats, sheep and kind) and other “dry” offerings (like coconut and kadhaai – cooked or raw combination of wheat flour, ghee and jaggery/sugar) to protect them from diseases, including epidemics and so-called supernatural ailments.

They often defer medical advice in the belief that their family/village deity will protect them from the disease.

The deity, through the gur/maali usually gives vocal assurances of well-being and may give some ash or grains of raw rice to eat and throw some out of the house after circling them over the heads of the family members. The deity may also advise conducting a larger prayer or pooja/havan.

Caution thrown to wind

During the second wave of the pandemic, while Temple Committees appealed to the public to adhere to COVID protocols issued by the government, the staunch belief in the deities’ powers to protect them from the epidemic led people to throw caution to the wind. While there have been instructions from local SDMs on the limit of people attending fairs and festivals, people attended local festivals like the Bishu/Bihu, Jagra, Jatra in large numbers – often 10 times higher than the permitted numbers. While most were seen wearing masks, but only a few used them properly:

  • Masks worn below the nose
  • Masks taken off while walking uphill or while dancing during the festivals so that more breathing air can get in while exerting
  • Masks taken off to spit
  • Masks taken off to blow their nose (Use of hands to blow the nose and hands not washed or sanitized after that)
  • Only a handful of people carry sanitisers
  • People shaking hands to greet each other. And the usual reference to – “Kuch nahin hota (Nothing will happen),” when refusing to shake hands.

The debt trap and the sense of community brotherhood

Rites of passage in the region are much dependent on the daati/biradri (loosely translated as brotherhood) system, where communities come in to help during the various ceremonies – be it birth, death, marriages etc.

Members of the daati are expected to obligatorily come in to help during these times, which is considered as a reciprocal debt, and has to be paid back with help in kind when the time comes.

The help ranges from collecting firewood for the community kitchen; collecting wood for funerals, cooking and serving food for family and relatives/mourners during the impure period of 3/5/7/9/11/13/16/21 days of sutak-mitak (see next para) in the family, besides washing utensils, and entire clothes of the family; cooking and serving food and washing utensils for guests during marriages; sending invitations for marriages; helping build up tents/temporary shacks for community kitchens.

Sutak is an impure period in the family when a child is born, which can range up to 21 days. It is usually lesser in case a girl child is born. Mitak is an impure period when there is a death in the family. The impure period also can get strenuous, stringent and stretch as you go up the caste system (the lower for Scheduled Castes and the highest for Brahmins). Family members are not expected to cook themselves during the mitak period. (No such barrier is during the sutak period, however, non-family members do not eat the food cooked at the sutak home). It is the members of the daati, who cook outside the main house, making a temporary kitchen for the mitak family. These members of the daati can get engaged on duty – on a rotational basis – for the very number of impure days.

Since all this help is a reciprocal debt, daati members feel obligated to go out and help despite the COVID restrictions.

Death rituals

Unlike the urban areas, where wood is available at crematoriums, in villages, it is the members of the daati who collect the wood for funerals. Little adherence to CAB is observed while on duty.

However, it’s the other rituals during death that portray a picture of ‘COVID-19 in a time bomb’. The members of the daati inform the friends, relatives and other near and dear ones on the instructions of the bereaved family that a death has occurred and the cremation will take on a particular date and time.

The dead body isn’t lifted for cremation until all the expected members on the appointed date have not arrived to pay their last respect. What becomes more worrying is the following ritual. For example, a death of a Woman has occurred in village X. The Woman’s Daughter is married in village Y. When the in-laws of this Daughter in village Y are informed about the death, they further inform the families of their daati (which could go up to 30 or even 50 or more), and request that at least one representative (from each family) has to accompany them to village X. The culture may have a history in times when there was no transportation, travelling would take a day or two, and people would accompany the daughter to console her on the way and help with food, water, shelter and protection from wild animals. It was also a “show-off” opportunity for the girl to show people at her parental house that so many people accompanied her. It would be considered a ‘shame’ if fewer people accompanied her. However, the ritual being obligatory and a reciprocal debt – despite government restrictions of only 20 people at death – didn’t go down even during the pandemic. Even though the job of these extra members is to just be a part of a crowd and just kneel for a minute (in pretensions of sorrow) or less in front of the dead body.

Crying, for women particularly, is considered mandatory, in front of the dead body. While men (non-relatives/friends who’ve accompanied as an obligation) may greet each other at these sites with a Namaste or a handshake/fist-bump, women habitually can be seen hugging, kissing and holding each others’ hands.

It is also mandatory for all who’ve come to pay their last respect to be around until the dead body hasn’t been lifted for the cremation. While men can be seen scattering around into nearby fields/orchards/roads (either to have a smoke or play cards or form chatting groups) to while away their time, women mostly sit down near the dead body forming a huge crowd. Wailing women and men often drink water from a single bottle, which goes around.

After the dead body has been lifted, food is served to all – outside the house – by the members of the daati, who’ve been cooking since morning. Non-adherence to CAB in the community kitchen is expected. Masks are thrown off as “there is too much heat.” These temporary kitchens built as a shack or under a tarpaulin, have little space for observance of physical distancing. Food too is served in a pangat (people sitting on the ground forming a line) – without any respect for physical distancing for the lack of space. Often, food is served to 500-600 people or even more depending on the social circle of the bereaved family. Since people come from far off places, most do have the food.

Marriage rituals

While tent-wallahs, catering services and DJs have crept into the rural areas of Himachal – booking of their services is largely limited to infrastructural – which means booking of the tent, chairs, cooking utensils, plates, power backup, and audio & music systems. The booking of these services is also limited to happier times such as marriages. Cooking and serving of food, installation of the temporary kitchen, sending invitations (rather than sending by post/phone) is a privilege of the members of the daati. Ignoring and disregarding the service of the members of the daati in happier times, such as of marriage etc. could lead to infuriating them – who may bring up the issue in times of sorrow, in times of bereavement, when they could ask the host family to again take the services of caterers and other labour for wood collection for funeral and cooking and serving food for the number of impure days. The members of the daati have to be kept in good humour.

The marriage rituals range from three to four days in the hills. A meeting of all members of the daati is called – usually at the house of the wedding – 15-30 days in advance of the wedding. Meetings usually happen in small rooms with over 70-80 people crammed in small rooms without any respect for CAB. Food, tea and water are served. Water often goes around in single bottles. The host informs about the wedding date/s and the number of days the duties of the daati members are required. Depending on the number of invitations and expected guests at the wedding, duties are assigned for cooking and serving food – which can range up to 25-30 people. Duties are also assigned to deliver invitation cards – region-wise, who will deliver the cards personally. Usage of phone and Whatsapp even during these times is a strict No-No and may be considered as merely a “formality” and non-seriousness.

In these tough times, some daati members have been seen raising their voices in private that they should’ve been excused and the host should have gone for a low-key affair – but they feel obligated for the repayment of the debt and have been seen rendering their services reluctantly. They cannot opt-out as a choice. Meanwhile, the host too feels to make the marriage as an elaborate affair as an obligation and as repayment of debt – because s/he has eaten at other marriages (doosron ki shaadi kha rakhi hai) and has to repay the debt.

The wedding period may range from three to four days, with a period of a third party involved – the Mamas (maternal uncles/aunts of the groom and the bride), where the Mamas would invite the bride/groom to their home (typically a day or two ahead of the wedding) for dinner/lunch and other celebrations. It is an elaborate affair at the house of the Mamas too. Then the Mamas (along with their daati members) would accompany the bride/groom to the latter’s paternal house in large numbers with gifts (including jewellery, clothes, food grains, cereals, and sacrificial goat). Call it greed or whatever, the ritual of going to the Mama’s house during these times, hasn’t gone down. If you don’t go to the Mama’s house, he may not give these gifts. Also, important to note here that when the Mama comes along with the bride/groom, he will get gifts (clothes and jewellery) for his sister (the bride/groom’s mother) too.

The turnout of guests at a boy’s wedding may be low, but the guests again feel obligated to attend the girl’s wedding – as they have to repay the debt of the teeka (a term used for a gift to the girl usually in cash – and as a help for her dowry***).

Since, people at the wedding are coming from far off places and weddings are a night affair, and people at times have to walk uphill/downhill, most of the guests stay at the wedding place for the night – crammed and sleeping in small rooms. Usually, if the wedding is on a “road-head,” guests with their own vehicles would still go home. Still, there is a considerable number of people staying back – to the risk of exposing themselves to COVID-19 infection.

Coming back to the members of the daati who’ve been assigned the duty of cooking – they are in the kitchen and serving food for breakfast, lunch and dinner for these three to four days. While local government SOPs require adherence to CAB, installation of hand sanitisers at these kitchens, the reality is much different.

When permissions were given only for 20 people for marriages, more than one thousand people could be still seen at these marriages.

There have been police raids. However, hearsay – corruption, exchange of cash, liqour bottles and meat have all handled these breaches of law well.

It is important to mention here that caste too plays a huge factor here. Lower caste people at weddings of higher caste people will eat freely. However, at weddings of lower caste people, there is a separate kitchen for higher caste people – who are given the raw material by the host family, but the cooking is done by the higher caste people themselves. Their numbers are usually smaller. Hearsay, the police raids have taken pictures of these smaller kitchens and forwarded them to the higher authorities – showing that all CAB protocols have been followed.

Way forward

Under these circumstances, it is important that local authorities – SDMs, police, and largely religious leaders, including gurs/maalis, members of the temple committees, Panchayat Secretaries, Panchayat Pradhans, BDC members, and Zila Parishad members, are engaged in capacity building workshops and webinars to reinforce CAB strictly. They can further, in a ToT model, train Panchayat members, who can further engage the community with the help of ASHA and ANM workers.

From a cultural standpoint, many of these rituals unless not spelt out by local authorities will keep going on – due to their consideration of being obligatory and as a reciprocal debt.

When it comes to vaccine hesitancy in the region, hesitancy is largely complacency and fear of AEFI/deaths rather than local cultural nuances. The gurs and maalis (particularly of the village deity in comparison to the family deity) can play a huge role in countering vaccine hesitancy. Identification of local role models too can be planned out with the help of Panchayat Pradhans.

* Much of these cultural nuances are observances from Upper Shimla district. However, these can be safely applied to regions of Kullu and Manali, Sirmaur, Kinnaur, Lahaul-Spiti, as well. Overlaps can be seen in other regions of the state too. Many of these cultural nuances can apply to regions of Uttarakhand, particularly Jaunsar-Bawar.

** More references can be found in the writings of OC Handa and Molu Ram Thakur.

*** Reference to dowry is considered a shame in many areas of Himachal. Traditionally, in these areas of Himachal, the dheri system was followed, much like the Islamic mehr system, where the groom paid a price to the bride’s father. While the dheri system has died a natural death, giving of gifts/cash to the girl by her parents/relatives is prevalent, which is not referred to as a dowry, but “gift.”